"A Realignment in Progress"

Politics may be incidental to culture, however in light of recent developments in the United States and elsewhere across the globe, it seems that cultural survival is largely dependent on certain political outcomes. The two cannot therefore be considered in neat separation from each other. The public can be forgiven for its entrenched cynicism, given the frequency with which we hear that exhausted cliché about the latest election being the ‘most important’ in a generation, and the paucity of options available on the ballot; yet a pervasive sense of urgency lingers despite a cultivated apathy.

   It is important to note that this bitter cocktail of cynicism and urgency is poured out over the political landscape in a time where definitions have come under increased scrutiny. One aspect of this journal’s mission is to revive a certain way of thinking that has been lost, forgotten or actively suppressed by so-called ‘mainstream’ ‘conservatives’ in the modern era. Essentially, what does it mean to be of the political right today?

   A small group of local supporters of Donald Trump attended Sydney University’s Manning Bar on 9 November 2016 to witness the counting of college votes. I was among this group, overwhelmingly outnumbered by a multitude of campus left-militants. I recall the event being the most euphoric political spectacle I had yet experienced. One instant stood out as emblematic of this moment in shifting definitions: immediately after the announcement of Trump’s ascendancy to the White House, a large screen displayed the stock exchange, painted red as share values plummeted. Our ranks immediately erupted in an hysterical cheer. This was greeted by a wall of dumb-struck stares from ‘progressive’ radicals not often associated with sympathy for trans-global big finance. They simply did not have the intellectual tools to comprehend why young rightists would react this way.

   A great deal has occurred in the time between that, and the latest US election. Perhaps the most important lesson has been that reactionaries should never hesitate in their criticisms of favoured candidates or holders of office. As this issue is prepared for press, we learn, for example, that there is little to no difference between technocratic and multicultural globalism. This was witnessed in the diatribes of one such favoured personality on social media over the Christmas period. We recall once being lambasted as a “basket of deplorable” for who we were and what we believed; we will likewise not easily forget being labelled “contemptible fools” for the same reasons. We have a King who explicitly praises one of the most outrageous UK governments in Britain's history, and a local Opposition Leader – supposedly our natural choice – who selectively responds to targeted ethnic based violence. We are a people, but not considered indigenous to our homelands under international law, the eyes of the media, the academy or the political class. 

   Much ink has been spilled about the dangers of illiberal thought as it proliferates online, and in particular among young men; but rarely do commentators address their underlying grievances, concerns, or the root causes of their reaction. Sceptics of modern ‘democracy’ are not motivated by a desire to silence; rather, they no longer have faith in a system that ignores, delegitimises or in fact silences, them. It is the mendacious appeals to ‘democracy’ – extreme examples of which we witness among the elites of the European Union – which have fed this illiberal trend. The ideological sclerosis of present elites renders them incapable of reflecting on their role in this process.

   The loyal opposition is not with-out blame either. The Cold War has been over for decades. Big Business no longer signifies the freedom of capital,  but extremist HR edicts, debt slavery, impossible housing costs, and wage stagnation through ‘free trade’ and ‘open borders’. This has led to the commodification of life itself and the death of communitarianism. It drives a culture of soulless standardisation and the destruction of identity – national, local and individual. The social dynamic has changed, and so have our priorities. Those cheers in 2016 should have come as no surprise. What is needed is a right that understand this, one that affirms itself with confidence and doesn't apologise for taking its own side.

   A Note on This and Future Issues

We apologise for the delay in releasing the present issue, which is the final number for Volume 2 (2024). As this enterprise is coordinated by a singular staff with very limited resources, and subject to some of the more notorious vicissitudes of the publication industry, delays, albeit embarrassing, are often inevitable. To mitigate the risk of these in the future, it has been decided that Volume 3 (2025) will be constituted by two issues (Nos. 5 and 6). Deadlines for submitted articles, book reviews and correspondence are 1 June, and 30 November, respectively.

   This journal cannot exist without the involvement and interaction of our readers and supporters — it is intended, indeed, to be part of our collective cultural capital. As the only print publication in Australia that is not tied to a vested interest within the mainstream political establishment, the O&R offers a platform of genuinely independent thought that sits firmly outside orthodox or popular opinion. Naturally, this comes with unique difficulties not experienced by other magazines of ‘conservative’ inclination. We embrace this challenge, and we hope our readers are motivated by it too.